Quel pourcentage de la NAACP dans les années 1910 était juif ?

Quel pourcentage de la NAACP dans les années 1910 était juif ?


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

Cependant, au milieu des années 1910, la NAACP comptait plusieurs membres juifs éminents. Les frères Joel et Arthur Spingarn ont été respectivement président du conseil d'administration et conseiller juridique en chef. Herbert Lehman a siégé au comité exécutif. Lillian Wald et Walter Sachs ont siégé au conseil d'administration. Jacob Schiff et Paul Warburg étaient les financiers de l'organisation. En 1920, Herbert Seligmann était directeur des relations publiques et Martha Greuning était son assistante. D'autres personnalités juives importantes impliquées dans la fondation de la NAACP étaient Jacob Billikopf, Julius Rosenwald, le rabbin Emil G. Hirsch et le rabbin Stephen Wise. Pas étonnant que Marcus Garvey ait quitté le siège de la NAACP en 1917 en se plaignant qu'il s'agissait d'une organisation blanche.

https://fanghornforest.wordpress.com/2015/11/18/national-association-for-the-advancement-of-kosher-people/


La NAACP a été fondée vers 1910, et non au « milieu des années 1910 » par Mary White Ovington, une gentille. En 1914, elle a écrit une courte brochure intitulée "Comment l'Association nationale pour l'avancement des personnes de couleur a commencé". Selon ce récit, presque tous les membres fondateurs étaient des Gentils, bien qu'une figure importante au début fût Henry Moscowitz, un proche d'Ovington. Une autre figure importante était William English Walling, qui venait d'une éminente famille du Sud, mais était influencé par sa femme, Anna Strunsky, une juive russe très impliquée dans diverses causes sociales. Les premiers dirigeants de l'organisation étaient :

Étage Moorfield
William English Walling
John E. Milholland
Garnison Oswald Villard
Françoise Blascoer
William Edward Burghardt Du Bois

Parmi ceux-ci, seul Blascoer était juif. En général, le corps principal de l'organisation était composé de riches abolitionnistes protestants comme Storey, Milholland et Villard et il y avait beaucoup de membres du clergé chrétien. Des membres juifs, comme la femme de Walling, étaient certes présents, mais ils étaient minoritaires, représentant peut-être 10 à 15 % au maximum.


Le RAC et le mouvement des droits civiques

Il n'est pas surprenant que les Juifs aient répondu avec force à la lutte contre la ségrégation raciale et la discrimination en Amérique. Après tout, aucun groupe dans l'histoire n'a été aussi fréquemment victime de haine raciale.

[ Extrait de A. Vorspan et D. Saperstein, Dimensions juives de la justice sociale : les choix moraux difficiles de notre temps (Presse UAHC : 1998, 203 et suivantes) ]

Il n'est pas surprenant que les Juifs aient répondu avec force à la lutte contre la ségrégation raciale et la discrimination en Amérique. Après tout, aucun groupe dans l'histoire n'a été aussi fréquemment victime de haine raciale. En conséquence, peu de segments de la communauté américaine se sont investis aussi profondément que la communauté juive dans la lutte pour les droits civiques. En raison des exigences de la foi et de l'intérêt personnel éclairé, les Juifs ont été aux avant-postes de la lutte pour mettre fin à la ségrégation raciale dans l'éducation, les logements publics et le vote, en jouant un rôle actif dans les luttes pour l'égalité des années 50 et années 60, quand une forte alliance noir/juif était au cœur du mouvement des droits civiques.

  • Lorsque l'été du Mississippi de 1964 a été organisé pour briser le dos de la ségrégation légale dans l'État le plus obstinément résistant de l'Union, 50 pour cent des jeunes qui se sont portés volontaires de toutes les régions des États-Unis étaient des Juifs. Dans cette lutte, des extrémistes blancs ont tué trois martyrs à Philadelphie, Mississippi. Deux d'entre eux, Andrew Goodman et Michael Schwerner, étaient juifs, le troisième, James Earl Chaney, était noir.
  • Les Juifs ont aidé à fonder et/ou contribué de manière substantielle aux fonds collectés par des organisations telles que la National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, la Southern Christian Leadership Conference et le Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee.
  • Pendant de nombreuses années, Kivie Kaplan (vice-président du mouvement juif réformé) a été le président national de la NAACP. Arnie Aronson et Joe Rauh Jr. ont été respectivement secrétaire et avocat général de la Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) Jack Greenberg était le directeur exécutif du NAACP Legal Defence Fund. Ce ne sont là que quelques-uns des nombreux Juifs qui ont joué un rôle clé dans le mouvement des droits civiques. À juste titre, en 1998, le président Clinton a remis la Médaille présidentielle de la liberté à Aronson, un dirigeant juif américain qui, avec les légendaires A. Philip Randolph et Roy Wilkins, a fondé le LCCR. Pendant des décennies, Aronson a dirigé les dirigeants juifs et noirs des droits civiques dans des stratégies de cartographie pour adopter plus de 30 lois de grande envergure sur les droits civiques.
  • De 1910 à 1940, plus de 2 000 écoles et 20 collèges noirs (dont les universités Howard, Dillard et Fisk) ont été financés en tout ou en partie par les contributions du philanthrope juif Julius Rosenwald. Au plus fort des soi-disant « écoles de Rosenwald », près de 40 pour cent des Noirs du sud étaient scolarisés dans l'une de ces institutions.
  • Les rabbins ont défilé avec Martin Luther King Jr., dans tout le Sud, où certains ont été battus et beaucoup ont été emprisonnés. Parmi ceux-ci figurait le rabbin Abraham Joshua Heschel, qui était un partenaire spirituel de King dans la lutte contre le racisme. De nombreux dirigeants de l'URJ et du CCAR ont été arrêtés avec Martin Luther King, Jr., à St. Augustine, en Floride, en 1964, après une contestation de la ségrégation raciale dans les lieux publics.

Le mouvement de réforme et les droits civiques
L'influence politique juive a contribué à l'adoption de lois historiques sur les droits civiques, aux niveaux national et local. Une fois que les droits civiques et les groupes religieux ont mobilisé la conscience américaine contre le mal racial, des changements sont au moins intervenus. Le Civil Rights Act de 1964 et le Voting Rights Act de 1965 ont tous deux été rédigés dans la salle de conférence du bâtiment du RAC à Washington, D.C., sous l'égide de la Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (qui pendant des décennies a été hébergée dans le Centre).

La communauté juive a continué d'être de fervents partisans de plus d'une vingtaine de lois sur les droits civiques les plus ambitieuses de l'histoire du pays, s'attaquant à la discrimination persistante dans le vote, le logement et l'emploi, contre les femmes, les minorités raciales et les personnes handicapées.

Le mouvement réformiste est considéré depuis les années 1990, car ses dirigeants représentent la communauté juive au sein des comités exécutifs de la LCCR et du conseil d'administration national de la NAACP. Le rabbin David Saperstein est actuellement le seul non-afro-américain au conseil d'administration de la NAACP.


Les droits civiques et le bâtiment Arthur et Sara Jo Kobacker
Pendant 30 ans, le Centre d'action religieuse a abrité un certain nombre d'organisations juives et de défense des droits civiques clés qui se sont réunies régulièrement pour mobiliser le soutien en faveur de la législation sur les droits civiques. Voici un échantillon de certains des principaux projets de loi sur les droits civils qui ont été rédigés au Centre et/ou pour lesquels la coalition soutenant la législation a tenu ses réunions dans la salle de conférence du Centre :


Histoire des Juifs en Hongrie - Population juive en pourcentage du total en 1910

N = Majorité Neolog n = Minorité Neolog Q = Majorité statu quo ante q = Minorité statu quo ante X = Majorité orthodoxe x = Minorité orthodoxe * = La dynastie hassidique est présente (voir). Si la ville et le village n'avaient qu'une communauté orthodoxe, celle-ci n'est pas signalée.

La ville ou le village appartenait à SL = Slovaquie, RO = Roumanie, GE = Allemagne, IT = Italie, CR = Croatie entre 1941 et 1944. Les communautés non marquées étaient sous domination hongroise pendant l'Holocauste.

La prononciation des noms hongrois est cohérente : s= sh, sz= s, c= cz = tz, cs= ch, zs= zh, gy= dy, ly= y, j= y.

La liste des villes "rendezett tanácsú" ou "törvényhatósági jogú" (c'est-à-dire autonomes) où la population juive dépassait 5% était la suivante :

  • Munkács (Moukachevo) 44,4% *,
  • Máramarossziget (Sighetu Marmaţiei) 37,4% *,
  • Ungvár (Uzhhorod) 31,4% *Xn, Bártfa (Bardejov SL) 30,4%, Beregszász (Berehove) 30,2% *,
  • Sátoraljaújhely 28,7% *Xq,
  • Nagyvárad (Oradea) 23,6% Xn, Budapest 23,1% Nx, Nyitra (Nitra SL) 22,4%*,
  • Szilágysomlyó (Şimleu Silvaniei) 20,9%, Bánffyhunyad (Huedin) 20,7%, Szatmárnémeti (Satu Mare) 20,6% *Xq, Miskolc 20,0% *,
  • Dés (Dej) 18,9% *, Újpest, désormais partie de Budapest 18,4% N,
  • Trencsén (Trenčín SL) 16,7%, Késmárk (Kežmarok SL) 16,6%, Losonc (Lučenec) 16,5% Nx, Eperjes (Prešov SL) 16,4%, Zsolna (Žilina SL) 16,0%,
  • Nagykároly (Carei) 15,5%, Papa 15,3% *, Kassa (Košice) 15,2% *Nx,
  • Léva (Levice) 14,3% Q, Nagyszombat (Trnava SL) 14,0%,
  • Kaposvár 13,9% N, Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia RO) 13,7%, Kisszeben (Sabinov SL) 13,3%, Poprád (Poprad SL) 13,0%,
  • Nagykanizsa 12,7% N, Győr 12,6% Nx, Gyöngyös 12,6% Qx, Zalaegerszeg 12,4% N, Szepesváralja (Spišské Podhradie SL) 12,4%,
  • Hátszeg (Hațeg RO) 11,8%, Besztercebánya (Banská Bystrica SL) 11,7%, Kolozsvár (Cluj-Napoca) 11,6% *Xn, Szamosújvár (Gherla) 11,3 %, Vác 11,2 %,
  • Beszterce (Bistriţa) 10,9%, Nagybánya (Baia Mare) 10,9%, Szászrégen (Reghin) 10,8%*, Komárom 10,7% Nx, Pozsony (Bratislava SL, Pressburg) 10,5%, Nyíregyháza 10,2% Qx, Szombathely 10,rad Arad RO) 10,0%, Rimaszombat (Rimavská Sobota) 10,0%,
  • Baja 9,9% N, Eger 9,5% *qx, Érsekújvár (Nové Zámky) 9,5 % Xn, Lőcse (Levoča SL) 9,5 %, Lugos (Lugoj RO) 9,5 %, Temesvár (Timișoara RO) 9,3 %, Dicsőszentmárton (Târnăveni RO) 9,2 %, Debrecen (9,1 % *, Dévacen Deva RO) 9,1%,
  • Marosvásárhely (Târgu Mureş) 8,7% Xq, Rózsahegy (Ružomberok SL) 8,7%, Veszprém 8,6% N, Székesfehérvár 8,3% Nx, Pécs 8,1% N,
  • Fogaras (Făgăraş RO) 7,8%, Rozsnyó (Rožňava) 7,5% N, Jolsva (Jelšava) 7,5%, Bazin (Pezinok SL) 7,5%, Szolnok 7,2% N,
  • Újvidék (Novi Sad) 6,9% N, Zólyom (Zvolen SL) 6,9%, Sopron (Ödenburg) 6,7% nx, Nagyrőce (Revúca SL) 6,7%, Körmöcbánya (Kremnica SL) 6,6%, Csíkszereda (Miercurea-Ciuc) 6,5%, Kolozs (Cojocna) 6,5%, Igló (Spišská Nová Ves SL) 6,3%, Felsőbánya (Baia Sprie) 6,1%, Szepesbéla (Spišská Belá SL) 6,1%, Hajdúnánás 6,0%,
  • Szeged 5,8% N, Makó 5,5% Xn, Kismarton (Eisenstadt GE) 5,5%, Szekszárd 5,6% N, Karánsebes (Caransebeş RO) 5,2%, Zilah (Zalău) 5,1%, Esztergom 5,1% N.

Dans plusieurs villes, le nombre de Juifs dépassait le millier de personnes, mais leur ratio dans la population locale était inférieur à 5,0%. Ces villes comprenaient Szabadka (Subotica) Nx avec 3539 résidents juifs (3,7%), Kecskemét 2022 (3,0%), Békéscsaba 1970 (4,6%), Fiume (Rijeka IT) 1696 (3,4%), Hódmezővásárhely 1381 (2,2%), Zenta (Senta) * 1328 (4,5 %), Nagybecskerek (Зрењанин, Zrenjanin) 1232 (4,7 %), Cegléd 1121 (3,3 %), Karcag 1077 (4,7 %), Kiskunfélegyháza 1051 (3,0 %), tandis que Jászberény en avait 1017 (3,4 % ).

D'autres villes et villages avec une présence juive importante en 1910 comprenaient :

  • Alsókismartonhegy (maintenant partie d'Eisenstadt GE) 79,3%, Tiszakarácsonyfa (Crăciuneşti) 52,8%,
  • Faluszlatina (Solotvyno) 47,6%, Sztropkó (Stropkov SL) 44,1% *, Dunaszerdahely (Dunajská Streda) 43,6% *, Alsóverecke (Нижні Ворота, Nyzhni Vorota) 41,3%,
  • Oroszvég (Rosvehove, maintenant partie de Moukatchevo) 39,5%, Romoly (Romuli) 39,2%, Visóoroszi (Ruscova) 37,5%,
  • Homonna (Humenné SL) 34,8%, Tiszaújlak (Вилок, Vylok) 34,8%, Nagyberezna (Великий Березний, Velyky Berezny) 34,5%, Mezőlaborc (Medzilaborce SL) 34,3%,
  • Nagykapos (Veľké Kapušany) 33,8%, Beregkövesd (Кам'янське, Kamjans'ke) 33,5%, Hunfalva (Huncovce SL) 33,2% *,
  • Felsővisó (Vişeu de Sus) 32,9%, Szaplonca (Săpânţa) 32,6% *, Galánta (Galanta) 32,4%, Nagymihály (Michalovce) 32,3%, Majdánka (Maydan) 31,8%,
  • Halmi (Halmeu) 30,7%, Kisvárda 30,3%, Liptószentmiklós (Liptovský Mikuláš SL) 30,3%, Nagytapolcsány (Topoľčany SL) 30,2%, Rozália (Rozavlea) 30,1%,
  • Zboró (Zborov SL) 29,7%, Ósándorfalva (Олександрівка, Oleksandrivka) 29,7%,
  • Gálszécs (Sečovce SL) 28,8%, Nagyszőlős (Vynohradiv) 28,6%, Bacsó (Чабанівка, Chabanivka) 28,5%, Bustyaháza (Буштинo, Bushtyno) 28,2%, Kökényes (Терново, Ternovo) 28,2%
  • Lakompak (Lackenbach GE) 27,8%, Varannó (Vranov nad Topľou SL) 27,4%,
  • Benedeki (Бенедиківці, Benedykivci) 26,9%, Majszin (Moisei) 26,8%, Vágújhely (Nové Mesto nad Váhom SL) 26,4%, Szolyva (Svaliava) 26,2%, Hidalmás (Hida) 26,0%,
  • Szerednye (Serednje, Середнє) 25,8%, Dragomérfalva (Dragomireşti) 25,7%, Nagysomkút (Şomcuta Mare) 25,4%, Gánya (Ганичі, Ganychi) 25,4%, Vajnág (Воніговово, 25,2%, Voniávovord, 25,4%,
  • Ilosva (Irshava) 24,9%, Magyarlápos (Târgu Lăpuş) 24,6%, Nagykirva (Криве, Kryve) 24,6%, Sasvár (Šaštín-Stráže SL) 24,5%, Szepesófalu (Spišská Stará Ves. SL) 24,4%, Szepesófalu (Spišská Stará Ves. SL) 24,4%, , Szabadszállás 24,3%, Kisdobrony (Мала Добронь, Mala Dobron') 24,2%, Kabolapatak (Valea Hotarului) 24,2%, Borsa (Borşa) 24,2%,
  • Tolcsva 23,5%*, Németvágás (Poruba pod Vihorlatom SL) 23,3%, Polena (Поляна, Poljana) 23,2%, Huszt (Khust) 23,0%*,
  • Mezőkaszony (Косонь, Koson') 22,9%, Retteg (Reteag) 22,9%, Nagyilonda (Ileanda) 22,7% Tornalja (Tornaľa SL) 22,5%, Nyitrazsámbokrét (Žabokreky nad Nitrou SL) 22,4%, Taracköz (Тарере, Uglya (Угля, Uglja) 22,0%,
  • Tokaj 21,9%, Felsőapsa (Верхнє Водяне, Verhnje Vodjane) 21,9%, Bilke (Білки, Bilky) 21,8%, Alőr (Urişor) 21,8%, Alsókubin (Dolný Kubín SL) 21,6%, Margitta (Marghita (Marghita) 21,5%, Alfalin ) 21,5%, Puhó (Púchov SL) 21,1%, Királyhelmec (Kráľovský Chlmec) 21,0%, Petrova (Petrova) 21,0%, Szeklence (Сокирниця, Sokyrnycja) 21,0%,
  • Héthárs (Lipany SL) 20,7%, Balassagyarmat 20,6%, Vásárosnamény 20,5%, Kabold (Kobersdorf GE) 20,2%, Nyírmada 20,2%, Nagymagyar (Zlaté Klasy) 20,2%, Girált (Giraltovce SL) 20,0%,
  • Nagybiccse (Bytča SL) 19,8%, Alsóróna (Rona de Jos) 19,8%, Ökörmező (Mizhhir'ya) 19,7%, Nagybocskó (Velykyy Bychkiv) 19,5%, Mád 19,4%, Bodrogkeresztúr 19,3% *, Érmihályfalva (Valea lui Mihai) 19,2%, Havasmező (Poienile de sub Munte) 19,2%, Beregkisfalud (Сільце, Sil'ce) 19,1%, Bethlen (Beclean) 19,0%, Úrmező (Руське Поле, Rus'ke Pole) 19,0% , Mátészalka 19,0 %, Abaújszántó 19,0 %,
  • Izaszacsal (Săcel) 18,9%, Nyírbátor 18,8%, Irhóc (Вілхівці, Vilkhivci) 18,8%, Sopronkeresztúr (Deutschkreutz GE) 18,6% *, Putnok 18,1%, Dombó (Dubove) 18,1%,
  • Bonyhád 17,8% Xn, Bözödújfalu (Bezidu Nou) 17,7%, Felsővízköz (Svidník SL) 17,7%, Ilonca (Ільниця, Il'nycja) 17,7%, Bán (Bánovce nad Bebravou SL) 17,6%, Szikszó Herincchoe, 17,3% 17,2%, Kissalló (maintenant partie de Tekovské Lužianky) 17,2%, Csenger 17,2%,
  • Budfalva (Budeşti, Bistriţa-Năsăud) 16,9%, Magyarnemegye (Nimigea de Jos) 16,9%, Lemes (Lemešany SL) 16,8%, Naszód (Năsăud) 16,7% *, Volóc (Воловець, Volovec') 16,2%, Lipcse Lypcha) 16,1%,
  • Zsibó (Jibou) 15,9%, Ipolyság (Šahy) 15,7%, Encs 15,7%, Szinérváralja (Seini) 15,6%,
  • Balatonboglár 15,4% N, Tab 15,3%, Barcánfalva (Bârsana) 15,2%, Kovácsrét (Кушниця, Kusnycja 15,1%, Boldogasszony (Frauenkirchen GE) 15,1%, Szerencs 15,1%, Radnótfája (Iernugyeni, maintenant) Cehu Silvaniei) 15,0%,
  • Szenice (Senica SL) 14,9%, Alsóhidegpatak (Нижний Студенї, Nyzhny Studeni) 14,9%, Técső (Tiachiv) 14,8%*, Jód (Ieud) 14,8%, Turócszentmárton (Martin SL) 14,7%, Ölyvös (Вільхівкkhivka, Vil'kha) 14,7%, Alsóvisó (Viseu de Jos) 14,6%,
  • Olaszliszka 14,4% *, Alsószinevér (Sinevir) 14,3%, Kövesliget (Драгово, Drahovo) 14,3%, Felsőszelistye (Săliştea de Sus) 14,2%, Alsólendva (Lendava) 14,0%, Borgóprund (Prundu Bârgăului) 14,0%,
  • Tapolca 13,8% N, Keszthely 13,8% N, Rohod 13,8%, Galgóc (Hlohovec SL) 13,7%, Hodász 13,6%, Nagymarton (Mattersdorf GE) 13,5%*, Avasújfalu (Certeze) 13,5%,
  • Fehérgyarmat 13,4%, Alsóapsa (Нижня Апша, Nyzhnja Apsha) 13,4%, Királyháza (Королеве, Koroleve) 13,4%, Aszód 13,3% N, Tasnád (Tăşnad) 13,3%,
  • Levelek 12,9%, Ólubló (Stará Ľubovňa SL) 12,8%, Jánosháza 12,7%, Nyírbogát 12,7%, Élesd (Aleşd) 12,7%, Vaján (Vojany) 12,6%, Vitka (maintenant partie de Vásárosnamény) 12,5%,
  • Jármi 12,4%, Rahó (Rakhiv) 12,3%, Mándok 12,3%, Vágbeszterce (Považská Bystrica SL) 12,3%, Szamossályi 12,2%, Nyírtass 12,2% *, Csaroda 12,1%, Gergelyi 12,1%, Berettyóújfalu 12,1%, Nyírmeggyes 12,0%,
  • Sajószentpéter 11,9%, Csáktornya (Čakovec) 11,9% N, Gemzse 11,9%, Nyírbakta 11,8%, Aranyosmarót (Zlaté Moravce SL) 11,8%, Jóka (Jelka) 11,7%, Nagyatád 11,6% N, Szentgotthárd 11,6% N, Siófok , Pöstyén (Piešťany SL) 11,5%,
  • Nagykallo 11,3% *, Beled 11,3 %, Ilk 11,3 %, Vaja 11,3 %, Gernyés (Копашньово, Kopashn'ovo) 11,3 %, Nagysurány (Šurany) 11,2 %, Vilmány 11,2 %, Erdőbénye 11,1 %, Gyömöre 11,1 %, Nagysimonyi 11,0 %, 11,0 %, Nyírjákó , Sárospatak 11,0%
  • Zalaszentgrót 10,9 % N, Dolha (Довге, Dovhe) 10,8 %, Nyírcsászári 10,8 %, Párkány (Štúrovo) 10,7 % N, Szécsény 10,7 %, Iza (Iza) 10,7 %, Kemecse 10,6 %, Nagymegyer (Veľkány) 10,6 % (Čaňa) 10,6%, Avasújváros (Oraşu Nou) 10,5%,
  • Barcs 10,3% N, Szenc (Senec) 10,3%, Lövőpetri 10,2%, Szinna (Snina SL) 10,1%, Avasfelsőfalu (Negrești-Oaș) 10,1%, Szepsi (Moldava nad Bodvou) 10,0%, Magosliget 10,0%, Petneháza 10,0%,
  • Tiszalök 9,9%, Kisvarsány 9,9%, Újfehértó 9,8% *, Hőgyész 9,7%, Csorna 9,7%, Hidasnémeti 9,7%, Dombóvár 9,6%, Demecser 9,6%, Maroshévíz (Toplița) 9,6%, Holics (Holíč SL) 9,6%, Nagypalád (Велика Паладь, Velyka, Palad') 9,6% %, Ramocsaháza 9,6%, Szabolcsbáka 9,5%, Mezőcsát 9,5%, Olcsva 9,5%, Erzsébetfalva (maintenant partie de Budapest) 9,5%,
  • Ónod 9,3 %, Vámosmikola 9,2 %, Büdszentmihály (maintenant partie de Tiszavasvári) 9,1 %, Gyüre 9,1 %, Hejőcsaba 9,1 %, Aranyosmeggyes (Medieșu Aurit) 9,1 %, Privigye (Prievidza SL) 9,1 %, Pásztó Nisrádádzer (9,1 %, Nyáierajuedzer) ) 9,0 %, Porcsalma 9,0 %,
  • Tarcal 8,9%, Illava (Ilava SL) 8,9%, Ond 8,9%, Körmend 8,8% N, Ópályi 8,8%, Egeres (Aghireșu) 8,7%, Verebély (Vráble) 8,6%, Nagygéc 8,6%, Veszprém 8,6%, Szilágypér (Pir ) 8,6%, Céke (Cejkov) 8,6%, Zalalövő 8,5%, Muraszombat (Murska Sobota) 8,5% N, Sásd 8,5%, Gyulaháza 8,5%, Szendrő 8,5%,
  • Cégénydányád 8,4%, Perecseny (Перечин, Perechyn), 8,4%, Vágsellye (Šaľa) 8,4%, Kersemjén 8,4%, Szurduk (Surduc) 8,4%, Sárvár 8,3% Xn, Marcali 8,3% N, Edelény 8,3%, Szigetvár Fülesd 8,3%, Tiszaadony 8,3%, Kraszna (Crasna) 8,3%, Celldömölk 8,3%, Vármező (Buciumi) 8,2%, Visk (Вишковo, Vyshkovo) 8,1%, Diszel 8,1%, Feled (Jesenské SL) 8,1%, Fülek (Fiľakovo ) 8,0%, Paquet 8,0%,
  • Tata 7,9% N, Ruttka (Vrútky SL) 7,9%, Nyírbogdány 7,9%, Oszlány (Oslany SL)) 7,8%, Boldogkőváralja 7,8%, Kisbér 7,8%, Tállya 7,7%, Bercel 7,7%, Gönc 7,7%, Csaca (Čadca SL ) 7,7%, Nagyecsed 7,6%*, Farkasrév (Vadu Izei) 7,6%, Eszék (Osijek CR) 7,5%, Nyíracsád 7,5%, Nyírkarász 7,5%, Széphalom 7,5%,
  • Salgótarján 7,4%, Balatonfüred 7,4%, Gégény 7,4%, Tiszaszentmárton 7,4%, Szirák 7,3%, Csabrendek 7,3%, Dámóc 7,3%, Szatmárcseke 7,3%, Hatvan 7,2% N, Sárbogárd 7,2%, Telcs (Telciu) 7,2% %, Moson (Wieselburg, qui fait maintenant partie de Mosonmagyaróvár) 7,1% Q, Városszalónak (Stadtschlaining GE) 7,1%, Álmosd 7,1%, Apc 7,0%, Óradna (Rodna) 7,0%, Liptóújvár (Liptovský Hrádóbok SL)) 7,0% Gârbou) 7,0%, Nyírmihálydi 7,0%, Tiszadada 7,0%,
  • Fábiánháza 6,9 %, Gulács 6,9 %, Kővágóörs 6,8 %, Vajszló 6,8 %, Tiszafüred 6,8 ​​%, Pacsa 6,8 % N, Belovár (Bjelovar CR) 6,8 %, Bercsényifalva (Дубриничі, Dubrynychi) 6,8 %, Apahida (Apahidé) 6,8 % (Borsec) 6,7%, Alsószopor (Supuru de Jos) 6,6%, Ricse 6,6%, Nagytétény (maintenant partie de Budapest) 6,5%, Dombrád 6,5%,
  • Podolin (Podolínec SL) 6,4%, Liptótepla (Liptovská Teplá SL)) 6,4%, Talaborfalu (Теребля, Tereblja 6,4%, Rohonc (Rechnitz GE) 6,3%, Malacka (Malacky SL) 6,3%, Földes 6,3%, Kapolcs 6,3%, Rajka 6,3%, Pécel 6,2% Q, Vámospércs 6,2%, Aknasugatag (Ocna Şugatag) 6,1%, Nagydobrony (Велика Добронь, Velyka Dobron') 6,0%, Sümeg 6,0%,
  • Kapuvár 5,9%, Harkány 5,9%, Rákosszentmihály (maintenant partie de Budapest) 5,9%, Nyírlugos 5,8%, Pécsvárad 5,8%, Kaba 5,8%, Tinnye 5,8%, Salánk (Шаланки, Shalanky) 5,8%, Hajdúsámson 5,7%, Tét 5,7% , Alistál (Dolný Štál) 5,7%, Mezőkeresztes 5,7%, Mohács 5,6% N, Tamási 5,6% N, Kapronca (Koprivnica CR) 5,6%, Pincehely 5,6%, Kispest (maintenant partie de Budapest) 5,5% N, Vasvár 5,5% N , Pozsega (Požega CR) 5,5 %, Bród (Slavonski Brod CR) 5,5 %, Harsány 5,5 %,
  • Zágráb (Zagreb CR) 5,4%, Tarpa 5,2%, Tiszabő 5,4%, Szakoly 5,4%, Derecske 5,3%, Kistarcsa 5,3%, Vadna 5,3%, Verpelét 5,3%, Villány 5,3%, Kunmadaras 5,2%, Kalocsa 5,1% N, Sziszek (Sisak CR) 5,0%, Enying 5,0%, Piliscsaba 5,0%, Pócspetri 5,0%, Monor 5,0%.

Les comtés, où la population juive, y compris les villes autonomes, atteignait 4% étaient

  • Máramaros 18,4%, Bereg 14,2%, Ugocsa 12,9%, Ung 10,9%,
  • Zemplén 9,6%, Szabolcs 7,9%, Szatmár 7,4%, Sáros 7,1%, Abaúj-Torna 7,1%,
  • Bihar 6,4%, Hajdú 6,0%, Pozsony 5,8%, Beszterce-Naszód 5,7%, Nyitra 5,0%, Szolnok-Dobóka 5,1%,
  • Szilágy 4,3%, Kolozs 4,3%, Szepes 4,3%.

Citations célèbres contenant les mots juif, population, pourcentage et/ou total :

&ldquo Don : Pourquoi sont-ils fermés ? Ils sont tous fermés, chacun d'entre eux.
Prêteur sur gage : Bien sûr qu'ils le sont. C'est Yom Kippour.
Don : C'est quoi ?
Prêteur sur gage : C'est Yom Kippour, un juif vacance.
Don : C'est ça ? Alors qu'en est-il des Kelly et des Gallagher ?
Prêteur sur gage : Ils ont également fermé leurs portes. Nous avons un accord. Ils restent fermés le jour de Yom Kippour et nous n'ouvrons pas le jour de la Saint-Patrick. &rdquo
&mdashBilly Wilder (né en 1906)

&ldquo Combien d'expiation suffit? Le bombardement doit être autorisé au moins en partie : ceux de nos jeunes qui sont préoccupés par le problème moral posé par l'offensive aérienne alliée devraient au moins considérer le problème moral qui aurait été posé si le civil allemand population n'avait pas du tout souffert. &rdquo
&mdashClive James (né en 1939)

&ldquo En fait, si mon entreprise était légitime, je déduirais une somme substantielle pourcentage pour la dépréciation de mon corps.
Les hommes contemplatifs et livresques doivent nécessairement être plus querelleurs que les autres, parce qu'ils ne se disputent pas sur des faits, ni ne peuvent déterminer leurs controverses par certains témoins ou juges. Mais tant qu'ils vont vers la paix, c'est-à-dire la Vérité, peu importe dans quel sens. &rdquo
&mdashJohn Donne (vers 1572�)

&ldquo Les ordinateurs sont bons pour des calculs rapides et précis et pour stocker de grandes masses d'informations. Le cerveau, d'autre part, n'est pas aussi efficace qu'un croqueur de chiffres et sa mémoire est souvent très faillible, une inexactitude de base est intégrée dans sa conception. Le point fort du cerveau est sa flexibilité. Il est inégalé pour faire des suppositions astucieuses et saisir les le total sens des informations qui lui sont présentées. &rdquo
&mdashJeremy Campbell (né en 1931)


Histoire

Le groupe naissant a lutté pendant un certain temps avec des ressources limitées et a décidé d'élargir le nombre de ses membres afin d'accroître sa portée et son efficacité. Des sollicitations de soutien ont été adressées à plus de 60 éminents Américains de l'époque et une date de réunion a été fixée au 12 février 1909, destinée à coïncider avec le 100e anniversaire de la naissance du président Abraham Lincoln. Alors que la réunion n'a eu lieu que trois mois plus tard, cette date est souvent citée comme date de fondation de l'organisation.

Le 30 mai 1909, la conférence du Mouvement Niagara a eu lieu à la Henry Street Settlement House de New York, d'où a émergé une organisation de plus de 40 personnes, se faisant appeler le Comité national des Noirs. Du Bois a joué un rôle clé dans l'organisation de l'événement et a présidé les débats. La journaliste afro-américaine et militante anti-lynchage Ida B. Wells-Barnett, co-fondatrice de la NAACP, était également présente. L'organisation a tenu sa deuxième conférence en mai 1910, où les membres ont choisi le nom de l'Association nationale pour l'avancement des personnes de couleur. Le nom a été officiellement adopté le 30 mai et la NAACP a été constituée un an plus tard, en 1911. La charte de l'association délimitait sa mission :

DuBois a continué à jouer un rôle central dans l'organisation et a été rédacteur en chef du magazine de l'association, La crise, qui avait un tirage de plus de 30 000 exemplaires.

La communauté juive a énormément contribué à la fondation et au financement continu de la NAACP. L'historien juif Howard Sachar écrit dans son livre Une histoire des Juifs en Amérique comment « En 1914, le professeur émérite Joel Spingarn de l'Université de Columbia est devenu président de la NAACP et a recruté pour son conseil d'administration des dirigeants juifs tels que Jacob Schiff, Jacob Billikopf et le rabbin Stephen Wise ». [1] (http://www.myjewishlearning.com/history_community/Modern/Overview_The_Story_19481980/America/PWPolitics/CivilRights.htm)

Combattre Jim Crow

En 1914, le groupe comptait 6 000 membres et 50 branches, et a eu une influence sur l'obtention du droit des Afro-Américains à servir comme officiers pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. Six cents officiers afro-américains ont été commissionnés et 700 000 inscrits pour le projet. L'année suivante, la NAACP a organisé une manifestation nationale contre D.W. Le film muet de Griffith Naissance d'une nation, un film qui a glamourisé le Ku Klux Klan.

La NAACP a commencé à jouer un rôle de premier plan dans les procès visant la ségrégation raciale et d'autres déni des droits civils au début de son histoire. Cela a joué un rôle important dans la contestation de la règle discriminatoire du «grand-père» de l'Oklahoma qui a privé de nombreux citoyens noirs du droit de vote. Il a persuadé la Cour suprême des États-Unis de statuer en Buchanan contre Warley en 1917 que les États ne peuvent pas officiellement séparer les Afro-Américains dans des quartiers résidentiels séparés.

En 1916, alors que la NAACP n'avait que sept ans, le président Joel Spingarn invita James Weldon Johnson à devenir secrétaire de terrain. Johnson était un ancien consul des États-Unis au Venezuela et un universitaire et chroniqueur de renom. En quatre ans, Johnson a joué un rôle déterminant dans l'augmentation du nombre de membres de la NAACP de 9 000 à près de 90 000. En 1920, Johnson a été élu à la tête de l'organisation. Au cours des dix années suivantes sous sa direction, la NAACP intensifiera ses efforts de lobbying et de contentieux, devenant internationalement connue pour son plaidoyer en faveur de l'égalité des droits et de la protection égale du "Nègre américain".

La NAACP a consacré une grande partie de son énergie entre la Première et la Seconde Guerre mondiale à lutter contre le lynchage des Noirs à travers les États-Unis. L'organisation a envoyé Walter F. White dans le comté de Phillips, Arkansas, en octobre 1919, pour enquêter sur l'émeute raciale d'Elaine au cours de laquelle plus de deux cents fermiers noirs ont été tués par des miliciens blancs itinérants et des troupes fédérales après l'attaque d'un shérif adjoint contre un syndicat. réunion de métayers a laissé un homme blanc mort. Le NAACP a organisé les appels pour les douze hommes condamnés à mort un mois plus tard, sur la base de témoignages obtenus par des coups et des décharges électriques, et a obtenu une décision révolutionnaire de la Cour suprême dans Moore v. Dempsey Template:Ussc qui a considérablement élargi la surveillance des tribunaux fédéraux de les systèmes de justice pénale des États dans les années à venir.

La NAACP a également passé plus d'une décennie à rechercher une législation fédérale interdisant le lynchage. L'organisation a régulièrement affiché un drapeau noir indiquant « Un homme a été lynché hier » depuis la fenêtre de ses bureaux à New York pour marquer chaque indignation.

La NAACP a mené le combat avec succès, en alliance avec la Fédération américaine du travail, pour empêcher la nomination de John Johnston Parker à la Cour suprême sur la base de son soutien au déni du droit de vote aux Noirs et de ses décisions anti-travail. Il a organisé le soutien aux Scottsboro Boys, bien que la NAACP ait perdu la plupart des batailles intestines avec le Parti communiste et la Défense internationale du travail sur le contrôle de ces cas et la stratégie à poursuivre. L'organisation a également porté plainte pour contester le système de la « primaire blanche » dans le Sud.

Déségrégation

Le service juridique de la NAACP, dirigé par Charles Hamilton Houston et Thurgood Marshall, a mené une campagne de plusieurs décennies pour faire renverser la doctrine séparée mais égale annoncée par la décision de la Cour suprême dans Plessy v. Ferguson. En commençant par contester la ségrégation dans les écoles professionnelles publiques, puis en attaquant Jim Crow au niveau collégial, la campagne a abouti à une décision unanime de la Cour suprême dans Brown v. Board of Education qui a jugé que la ségrégation parrainée par l'État des écoles élémentaires était inconstitutionnelle.

Fort de cette victoire, la NAACP a fait pression pour une déségrégation totale dans tout le Sud. À partir du 5 décembre 1955, des militants de la NAACP, dont E.D. Nixon, son président local, et Rosa Parks, qui avait été secrétaire du chapitre, ont aidé à organiser un boycott des bus à Montgomery, en Alabama, pour protester contre la ségrégation dans les bus de la ville alors que les deux tiers des passagers étaient noirs. Le boycott a duré 381 jours.

L'État de l'Alabama a répondu en interdisant effectivement à la NAACP d'opérer à l'intérieur de ses frontières pour son refus de divulguer la liste de ses membres, de peur qu'ils soient licenciés ou fassent l'objet de représailles violentes pour leurs activités. Alors que la Cour suprême a finalement annulé la décision dans l'affaire NAACP v. Alabama, Template:Ussc, la NAACP a perdu son rôle de leader dans le mouvement des droits civiques au cours de ces années au profit d'organisations telles que la Southern Christian Leadership Conference et le Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee qui s'appuyaient directement sur l'action et la mobilisation de masse, plutôt que les litiges et la législation pour faire avancer les droits des Afro-Américains. Roy Wilkins, son président à l'époque, s'est affronté à plusieurs reprises avec Martin Luther King, Jr., et d'autres leaders des droits civiques sur des questions de stratégie et de prestige au sein du mouvement.

Dans le même temps, la NAACP a utilisé la décision de la Cour suprême dans Brown pour faire pression en faveur de la déségrégation des écoles et des installations publiques dans tout le pays. Daisy Bates, présidente de sa section de l'État de l'Arkansas, a dirigé la campagne des Little Rock Nine pour intégrer les écoles publiques de Little Rock, Arkansas.

Au milieu des années 1960, la NAACP avait retrouvé une partie de sa prééminence dans le mouvement des droits civiques en faisant pression pour une législation sur les droits civiques. La marche sur Washington pour l'emploi et la liberté a eu lieu le 28 août 1963. Le Congrès a adopté un projet de loi sur les droits civiques visant à mettre fin à la discrimination raciale dans l'emploi, l'éducation et les logements publics en 1964, suivi d'une loi sur les droits de vote en 1965.

Après la mort de Kivie Kaplan en 1975, Benjamin Hooks, avocat et ecclésiastique, a été élu directeur exécutif de la NAACP en 1977.

Les années 90 : crise et force retrouvée

Dans les années 1990, la NAACP s'est endettée et le limogeage de deux hauts responsables a encore ajouté à l'image d'une organisation en crise profonde.

En 1993, le conseil d'administration de la NAACP a choisi de justesse le révérend Benjamin Chavis plutôt que le révérend Jesse Jackson pour occuper le poste de secrétaire exécutif. A controversial figure, Chavis was ousted eighteen months later by the same board that hired him, accused of using NAACP funds for an out-of-court settlement in a sexual harassment lawsuit. [2] (http://static.highbeam.com/n/newyorkamsterdamnews/october081994/betrayalthecaseagainstbenchavis)

Following the dismissal of Chavis, Myrlie Evers-Williams narrowly defeated NAACP chairperson William Gibson in 1995, after Gibson was accused of overspending and mismanagement of the organization's funds. In 1996 Congressman Kweisi Mfume a Democratic Congressman from Maryland and former head of the Congressional Black Caucus, was named the organization's president. Three years later strained finances forced the organization to drastically cut its staff, from 250 in 1992 to just fifty.

However, in the second half of the 1990s, the organization restored its finances, permitting the NAACP National Voter Fund to launch a major get-out-the-vote offensive in the 2000 U.S. presidential elections. 10.5 million African Americans cast their ballots in the election, one million more than four years before, and the NAACP's effort was credited by observers as playing a significant role in handing Democrat Al Gore several states where the election was close, such as Pennsylvania and Michigan.

Chronologie

1909 to 1949

1909: On February 12, the National Negro Committee was formed. Founders included Ida Wells-Barnett, W.E.B. DuBois, Henry Moscowitz, Mary White Ovington, Oswald Garrison Villiard, William English Walling.

1910: The NAACP began court fights with the Pink Franklin case. It involved a black farmhand, who killed a policeman in self-defense when the officer broke into his home at 3 a.m. to arrest him on a civil charge.

1913: The NAACP protested President Woodrow Wilson's official introduction of segregation to the federal government.

1914: Professor Emeritus Joel Spingarn of Columbia University became chairman of the NAACP and recruited for its board such Jewish leaders as Jacob Schiff, Jacob Billikopf, and Rabbi Stephen Wise.

1915: The NAACP organizes a nationwide protest against D.W. Griffith's racially inflammatory and bigoted silent film, Naissance d'une nation.

1917: Dans Buchanan v. Warley, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that states can not restrict and officially segregate African Americans into residential districts. Also, the NAACP won a battle to enable African-Americans to be commissioned as officers in World War I. Six hundred officers were commissioned, and 700,000 black men registered for the draft.

1918: After pressure by the NAACP, President Woodrow Wilson made a public statement against lynching.

1919: The NAACP sends Walter F. White to Arkansas to investigate the murder of several hundred black tenant farmers in October. The NAACP organizes the appeals on behalf of more than a hundred African-American defendants convicted in mob-dominated judicial proceedings the following month.

1920: To ensure that everyone, especially the Ku Klux Klan, knew the NAACP would not be intimidated, the annual conference was held in Atlanta, considered one of the most active areas of the Klan.

1922: The NAACP placed large ads in major newspapers to present the facts about lynching.

1930: The first of successful protests by the NAACP against Supreme Court justice nominees is begun against John Parker, who favored laws that discriminated against African-Americans.

1935: NAACP lawyers Charles Hamilton Houston and Thurgood Marshall won a legal fight to admit a black student to the University of Maryland Law School.

1939: After the Daughters of the American Revolution barred acclaimed contralto Marian Anderson from performing at their Constitution Hall, the NAACP moved her concert to the Lincoln Memorial, where more than 75,000 people attended.

1941: During World War II, the NAACP took part in the effort to ensure that President Franklin Roosevelt would order a nondiscrimination policy in war-related industries and federal employment.

1950 to 1990

1954: After years of fighting segregation in public schools, under the leadership of special counsel Thurgood Marshall, the NAACP won Brown c. Conseil de l'éducation. The historic U.S. Supreme Court decision barred school segregation.

1955: NAACP member and volunteer Rosa Parks is arrested and fined for refusing to give up her seat on a segregated bus in Montgomery, Alabama. This action became a catalyst for the largest grassroots civil rights movement in the U.S. It was spearheaded through the collective efforts of the NAACP, Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and other black organizations.

1957: LDF spun off as a separate organization.

1960: In Greensboro, North Carolina, members of the NAACP Youth Council started a series of nonviolent sit-ins at segregated lunch counters. These protests eventually led to more than 60 stores officially desegregating their counters.

1963: After one of his many successful mass rallies for civil rights, the NAACP's first field director in Mississippi, Medgar Evers, is assassinated in front of his home in Jackson, Mississippi.

1963: The NAACP pushed for passage of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act.

1964: The U.S. Supreme Court ended the eight-year effort of Alabama officials to ban NAACP activities.

1965: Amidst threats of violence and efforts of state and local governments, the NAACP registered more than 80,000 voters in the South.

1979: The NAACP initiates the first bill ever signed by a governor that allows voter registration in high schools. Soon after, twenty-four states followed suit.

1981: The NAACP led the effort to extend the Voting Rights Act for another twenty-five years. To cultivate economic empowerment, the NAACP established the Fair Share Program with major corporations across the country.

1982: NAACP registered more than 850,000 voters, and through its protests and the support of the Supreme Court, it prevented President Ronald Reagan from giving a tax break to the racially segregated Bob Jones University.

1985: The NAACP led a major anti-apartheid rally in New York City.

1989: the NAACP held a silent march of more than 100,000 people to protest U.S. Supreme Court decisions that have reversed many of the gains made against discrimination.

1990 and on

1991: When avowed Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke ran for the United States Senate in Louisiana, the NAACP started a voter registration campaign that yielded a 76 percent turnout of black voters to defeat Duke.

1995: Myrlie Evers-Williams, the widow of Medgar Evers, was elected to lead the NAACP's board of directors.

1996: Kweisi Mfume left the United States House of Representatives to become the president of the NAACP.

1996: Responding to anti-affirmative action legislation occurring around the country, the NAACP started the Economic Reciprocity Program. Also, in response to increased violence among youth, the NAACP started the "Stop The Violence, Start the Love" campaign.

2000: Accomplishments include television diversity agreements and the largest black voter turnout in 20 years.

2000: On January 17, in Columbia, South Carolina, more than 50,000 people attended a march to protest the flying of the Confederate battle flag. It was the largest civil rights demonstration ever held in the South to date.


Black History: The Niagara Movement

I am one who is critical of most of the black so-called civil rights organizations. Mainly because they are funded by white people and dare, I say if you “follow the money you will get the answer” “he who has the gold makes the rules.” In the case of the NAAP, the fact of the matter is that it was formed by ‘White’ people for the purpose of advancing the economic interests of Jewish people in the United States.

In the beginning, Ida B. Wells was one of the original members, but when she began advocating for ‘Black’ people’s interests, they removed her from the organization. The only other black member was DuBois, who stayed for a short time, but eventually left. In more than one hundred years nothing much has changed. They still put a black face out there that can do nothing but grin!

The association’s charter delineated its mission:

To promote equality of rights and to eradicate caste or race prejudice among the citizens of the United States to advance the interest of colored citizens to secure for them impartial suffrage and to increase their opportunities for securing justice in the courts, education for the children, employment according to their ability and complete equality before law.

In 1905, a group of thirty-two prominent African American leaders met to discuss the challenges facing people of color and possible strategies and solutions. They were expressly concerned by the disenfranchisement of Negro’s in the Southern states, particularly because of Mississippi’s passage of a new constitution in 1890. Also, in the early 1900s legislatures dominated by white Democrats ratified new constitutions and laws creating barriers to voter registration and more complex election rules. Black voter registration and turnout dropped markedly in the South as a result.

Because hotels in the U.S. were segregated, the men convened in Canada at the Erie Beach Hotel on the Canadian side of the Niagara River in Fort Erie, Ontario. As a result, the group came to be known as the Niagara Movement. A year later, three whites joined the group: journalist William E. Walling, social worker Mary White Ovington, and social worker Henry Moskowitz. They met in 1906 at Harper Ferry, West Virginia, and in 1907 in Boston Massachusetts.

The fledgling group struggled for a time with limited resources and internal conflict and disbanded in 1910. Seven of the members of the Niagara Movement joined the Board of Directors of the NAACP, founded in 1909. Although both organizations shared membership and overlapped for a time, the Niagara Movement was a separate organization. Historically it is considered to have had a more radical platform than the NAACP. The Niagara Movement was formed exclusively by African Americans.

This conference resulted in a more influential and diverse organization, where the leadership was predominantly white, and most of whom were Jewish American. In fact, at its founding, the NAACP had only one African American on its executive board – Du Bois. It did not elect a black president until 1975, although executive directors had been African American. The Jewish community contributed greatly to the NAACP’s founding and continued financing. Jewish historian Howard Sachar writes in his book A History of Jews in America “In 1914, Professor Emeritus Joel Spingarn of Columbia University became chairman of the NAACP and recruited for its board the early Jewish-American co-founders and members.”

According to Pbs.org, over the years, Jews have also expressed empathy (capability to share and understand another’s emotion and feelings) with the plight of Blacks. In the early 20th century, Jewish newspapers drew parallels between the Black movement out of the South and the Jews’ escape from Egypt. Pointing out that both Blacks and Jews lived in ghettos, and calling anti-Black riots in the South “pogroms.” Stressing the similarities, rather than the differences, between the Jewish and Black experience in America. Jewish leaders emphasized the idea that both groups would benefit the more America moved toward a society of merit, free of religious, ethnic and racial restrictions.”

Pbs.org further states, “The American Jewish Committee, the American Jewish Congress, and the Anti-Defamation League were central to the campaign against racial prejudice. Jews made substantial financial contributions to many civil rights organizations. About 50 percent of the civil rights attorneys in the South during the 1960s were Jews, as were over 50 percent of the Whites who went to Mississippi in 1964 to challenge Jim Crow Laws.

As a member of the Princeton chapter of the NAACP, Albert Einstein corresponded with Du Bois and in 1946 Einstein called racism “America’s worst disease.” Du Bois continued to play a pivotal role in the organization and served as editor of the association’s magazine, The Crisis, which had a circulation of over 30,000.

Moorfield Storey, who was white, was the president of the NAACP from its founding to 1915. Storey consistently and aggressively championed civil rights not only for blacks but also for Native Americans and immigrants. The board of directors of the NAACP created the Legal Defense Fund in 1939 specifically for tax purposes. It functioned as the NAACP legal department.

Intimidated by the Department of the Treasury and the Internal Revenue Service, the Legal and Educational Defense Fund, Inc., became a separate legal entity in 1957. Although, it was clear that it was to operate in accordance with NAACP policy. After 1961, serious disputes emerged between the two organizations creating considerable confusion in the eyes and minds of the public.

I am for anyone or group with the intention to benefit the dire state of the African American. However, during my research for this piece I only found a few significant achievements over its more than one hundred year history. It appears that this group is funded by whites, and it is they who guide policy in a way to silently suppress the “Negro” then and now. Think about it, if this organization was fighting for black people like the narrative implies – they would have been wiped out like all of the other groups fighting for the freedom of black people! And that’s my thought provoking perspective…


The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the Long Struggle for Civil Rights in the United States

In 2009 the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People celebrated its 100th anniversary. In the article below historian Susan Bragg provides a brief introduction to the history of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the oldest continually active civil rights organization in the United States.

Founded in 1909, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) has provided critical institutional support and leadership in the fight against racial inequalities in America. Although sometimes criticized as too moderate or bureaucratic in nature, the NAACP’s repeated legal campaigns eventually overturned the infamous 1896 Supreme Court ruling sanctioning segregation (Plessy c. Ferguson) and is still a significant political organization to this day.

A violent mob attack on black residents of Springfield, Illinois in 1908 galvanized a handful of progressive white social activists to reach out to African American leaders. Socialist William English Walling, settlement house worker Mary White Ovington, Jewish social worker Henry Moskowitz, and Oswald Garrison Villard, editor of La nation, circulated “The Call” to protest the rise of racial violence and discrimination around the nation. They were joined in this venture by black sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois. Long a critic of the “social uplift” agenda advocated by black educator Booker T. Washington, Du Bois saw the NAACP as both an opportunity to re-invigorate demands for full black civil rights and an important reminder of the national dimensions of Jim Crow. After a series of meetings held in 1909 and 1910, the NAACP emerged as an organization dedicated to protesting racial inequality in American public life.

Over the course of the 20th century, the NAACP explicitly promoted itself as a model of interracial exchange, while also implicitly encouraging activism by both men and women. Initially, formal national leadership positions in the NAACP were largely held by white progressives based in New York City but W. E. B. Du Bois served as editor of the organization’s main source of publicity, The Crisis. This important journal circulated news of civil rights activism and promoted black art, writing, and poetry with the vision of challenging mainstream stereotypes of African Americans.

African Americans made up the majority of participants of the many local NAACP chapters that spread slowly throughout the nation and by the era of World War I, a new cadre of black male leaders such as James Weldon Johnson and Walter White emerged as national leaders of the organization. At the same time, the organization regularly relied upon black women’s participation, particularly at the branch level. While prominent anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells-Barnett reported feeling dismissed by both black male leaders and white female progressives associated with the organization, many women associated with the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) supported the goals of the NAACP through fund raising activities and membership drives. By the 1930s, women like Juanita Jackson Mitchell and Ella Baker emerged as important staff workers in the national organization of the NAACP.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People challenged racial inequalities largely by publicity and targeted legal challenges, a program initially dictated by the fact that the majority of African Americans lived in the South where direct protest against Jim Crow was dangerous. Such tactics sometimes discouraged grass-roots activism by prioritizing the leadership role of the national staff, yet the NAACP proved successful in winning some important early battles such as overturning the “grandfather clause” (Guinn v. the United States, 1915) and residential segregation ordinances (Buchanan v. Warley, 1917).

The organization also served as an important voice against lynching throughout the 20th century, particularly by lobbying for anti-lynching bills in the 1920s and 1930s. Despite the failure of these legislative efforts, early court victories and increasing national publicity reinforced the NAACP’s commitment to forcing change through political pressure and legal campaigns. Most prominently, a series of NAACP-funded challenges to education inequalities eventually led to Brown c. Conseil de l'éducation de Topeka (1954), the Supreme Court ruling overturning de jure segregation.

The NAACP’s emphasis on civil rights agendas supported its larger cultural vision of American pluralism, but over the years the organization has been repeatedly criticized as narrow or even elitist. Tandis que le Crisis emerged as a critical source of black creative expression during the Harlem Renaissance of the 1920s, Marcus Garvey’s United Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) gained more members because of its grass roots emphasis on black unity and community development. In the 1930s, the NAACP created influential relationships with northern Democrats through its anti-lynching efforts even as it struggled to assert a strong vision of economic justice. The organization finally built a mass movement during the years of World War II by pressing the “Double V campaign” to integrate the defense industries, partnering with the CIO and other labor unions, and extending branches into the South.

These developments, in combination with the NAACP’s continuing legal campaigns against segregation, provided critical support for the modern Civil Rights movement. At the same time, the NAACP has struggled to both defend itself against criticism from outside pressures and to translate legal victories into broader social change. Defenders of Jim Crow denounced the NAACP as a “radical” organization and sought to restrict its development in southern states. Yet, by the 1960s, the organization also found itself pressured by youth-led protests that rejected the mediating role of the NAACP in favor of direct activism and grass-roots interests. These tensions reflected the larger difficulty of defining the NAACP’s social justice agenda in the years after Brown c. Conseil.

While the NAACP continues to identify and protest various forms of racial inequality in America, finding resolutions to de facto forms of racial discrimination have proven an ongoing challenge. Ultimately, the NAACP remains a powerful watchdog organization, promoting African American opportunity as a gauge of American democratic health.


Flash 8.0 Plug-in Required

In order to view this interactive content, you will
need to download a newer version of the Flash Player Plug-In.

Jewish Americans have flourished in America, enjoying immense freedom and opportunities. But like other minorities, Jewish Americans have also faced prejudice, especially during periods of economic hardship or war. During World War I and the Great Depression, Jews were often targeted as scapegoats.

The lynching of Leo Frank, a prominent Jewish businessman in Atlanta, alarmed Jewish Americans in 1915. He was falsely accused and convicted of killing a worker, Mary Phagan, in the pencil factory that he managed. After Georgia Governor John M. Slaton stayed Frank's execution because of a lack of evidence, a mob dragged him from the jail and lynched him. Though an isolated tragedy, it caused a ripple effect of fear. Decades later, in 1986, Frank was granted a posthumous pardon while evidence now points to the guilt of Jim Conley, a janitor in the factory who falsely accused Frank of the murder during the trial.

The Leo Frank incident also led to a resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK). By the mid-1920s, the KKK claimed to have four million members, more than all the Jews in the United States. In the midst of this turmoil and despite protestations at the time, President Woodrow Wilson nominated Louis D. Brandeis to the Supreme Court in 1916. As the first Jew to serve on the Court, Justice Brandeis had to endure bitter taunts, particularly from fellow justice James C. McReynolds. In the 1920s, Henry Ford, who revolutionized mass production in American industry, relentlessly blamed Jewish Americans for many of the nation's ills in his newspaper, The Dearborn Independent. It was only after World War II that barriers to Jewish Americans began to dissipate in America.

THE JEWISH AMERICANS is a production of JTN Productions WETA Washington, D.C. and David Grubin Productions, Inc.
in association with Thirteen/WNET New York.

Funders for THE JEWISH AMERICANS include The National Endowment for the Humanities Corporation for Public Broadcasting Public Broadcasting Service Nash Family Foundation The Arthur Vining Davis Foundations The Paul & Irma Milstein Foundation The Skirball Foundation The Chais Family Foundation Harry & Belle Krupnick Endowment Fund of the Los Angeles Jewish Community Foundation The Cukier, Goldstein-Goren Foundation Ann B. Friedman The Jesselson Family The Annenberg Foundation Blumenthal Fund Nancy and Morris W. Offit Ruth Ziegler Barbara Zuckerberg.


National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in Alabama (NAACP)

NAACP March in Athens, 2007 Beginning in 1913, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was the leading advocate for black constitutional rights in Alabama during the first half of the twentieth century. Other advocacy organizations existed, such as civic and voters' leagues, but Alabama's NAACP branches provided the most consistent and vocal challenge to African Americans' second-class status in society before the modern civil rights movement. White supremacists viewed the NAACP as a threat to the status quo and used intimidation, violence, and the law to eliminate the various branches in the state. Finally, in 1956, the state outlawed the organization outright, which led to a loss of influence. Alabama NAACP branches also faced internal threats to their survival through ineffective leadership and factionalism. Faced with threats of white reprisal, loss of will on the part of some branch officials and members, and competition from the Communist Party, the Alabama NAACP's crusade for racial equality was still able to generate the opposition to disenfranchisement and Jim Crow laws that would later define the 1950s and 1960s. NAACP Leaders in Washington, D.C. The 1940s represented the height of NAACP organizing in Alabama. By the mid-1940s, Alabama boasted 35 branches with nearly 15,000 members. In part, this growth was prompted by a number of successful court cases filed by the national office to challenge discrimination in housing, public spaces, and education, among others. But the phenomenal expansion was primarily a result of black Alabamians' growing outrage with racial biases, heightened by entry into World War II. Racist policies within the military and wartime industries fueled resentment and fostered a spirit of protest. The result was an explosion in NAACP activism in the state and throughout the South. Rosa Parks and Johnnie Carr, 1985 Membership was largely male in the early years of organizing, but African American middle-class women began to join branches in unprecedented numbers beginning in the late 1930s and held important positions in some branches. For instance, women comprised more than 55 percent of the Montgomery branch's total membership during the early 1940s. They composed 20 percent of the branch's Executive Committee and chaired the Veterans' Affairs Committee. Several woman held the post of secretary of the Montgomery NAACP—an extremely important position given this officer's role as liaison with the New York headquarters. Two of the best-known secretaries of the Montgomery branch were Johnnie Carr and Rosa Parks, who both participated in the Montgomery Bus Boycott and came to symbolize the role of black women in the fight for full rights. Activist and cook Georgia Gilmore organized the "Club from Nowhere," a group of women who cooked and sold food to raise money for the boycott and also accepted anonymous donations, and she also fed boycotters and movement leaders in her Montgomery home. John LeFlore Even the well-run branches faced immense challenges in carrying out the NAACP's goals. The national organization had been founded in 1909 to secure blacks' complete citizenship rights, chiefly through legal efforts, lobbying, and the media. But confronting white supremacy in Alabama, using these and other methods, could result in intimidation on the job, firings, physical harm, and sometimes death. W. E. Morton, secretary of the Mobile branch, was nearly killed by a white mob in 1921 as he conducted NAACP business in nearby Camden. John LeFlore, Mobile branch secretary from 1926 to 1956, endured continual harassment from his white post office supervisors because of his NAACP activities. In the 1930s, police arrested Earnest Taggart as he posted flyers announcing the Birmingham branch's anti-lynching crusade and issued bogus traffic citations to NAACP members during the branch's campaign against police violence. In the 1940s, Birmingham law enforcement officers snatched NAACP buttons from the clothing of local branch members amid the organization's ongoing effort to end police brutality. Autherine Lucy, 1956 Alabama branches used legal means to overturn racial zoning and racially discriminating public teacher' salaries, and they hired lawyers to represent African Americans charged with crimes against whites, such as rape or murder, and used the courts to prosecute whites accused of crimes against African Americans. By the time the Montgomery Bus Boycott began in December 1955, Alabama NAACP activism had created a climate of organized, determined racial protest. The activities executed by the state's branches had achieved enhanced employment opportunities, legal measures calling for more equitable teacher salaries, court decrees outlawing discrimination in voting and racial zoning, and improved interstate railroad accommodations. In Mobile, the branch's protest against the unfair treatment of blacks on municipal buses led the city to implement a "first-come, first served" seating arrangement in 1942. In 1956, NAACP agitation also forced the University of Alabama to admit, if only for a few days, Autherine Lucy. Most importantly, the branches' energetic efforts saved blacks from unjust prison terms as well as from death sentences imposed on the basis of race. Also in 1956, the national office provided legal assistance to Montgomery blacks in the Browder v. Gayle case, which declared Jim Crow bus service unconstitutional.

The NAACP never regained its original prominence in the state. But NAACP branches had, over the years, created the groundswell that would place Alabama at the center of the modern struggle for social justice. Currently, the Alabama NAACP has approximately 35 branches that focus their efforts on disaster relief and continuing instances of racial prejudice, such as job discrimination. The state president is Edward Vaughn, former Michigan State Representative and Alabama native the state NAACP headquarters is in Dothan. Branch offices are located in Eufaula, Barbour County Clanton, Chilton County and Mobile, Mobile County.

Autrey, Dorothy A. "The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in Alabama, 1913–1952." Ph. D diss., University of Notre Dame, 1985.


Orange County

Orange County, county in California, U.S. In 2005 there were some 3 million people living in Orange County, with the Jewish population estimated at 60,000�,000. 2009 estimates put the Jewish population between 80,000 and 100,000.

Orange County Jewish communities include Orange, Anaheim, Santa Ana, Irvine, Yorba Linda, Garden Grove, Laguna Beach, Laguna Hills, Huntington Beach, Tustin, Fountain Valley, Newport Beach, Westminster, Fullerton, Mission Viejo, and Costa Mesa. Most Jews live in Irvine, Newport Beach, Mission Viejo, and Aliso Viejo.

Southern California or California Southland Jewry is an interrelated community in Santa Barbara, Ventura, Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, Imperial, and San Diego counties. In climate, water supply, politics, agriculture and industry it differs from the rest of California. Rivalry has long existed between the northern and southern areas of California. While Orange County and neighboring Los Angeles border each other geographically and share some similarities, the two communities are quite distinct.

The primary motivation for settlement in Southern California was not a search for religious freedom but economic opportunity. Many Jews who came to the Southland in the early days had first gone to San Francisco, from which place Jews quickly dispersed throughout the entire American and Canadian West. The Gold Rush brought Jews to Southern California more for trade and agriculture than for mining. The area was known in biblical language as the place of ⋊ttle on a thousand hills."

Orange County Jewry began in 1858, with the arrival of Bavarian immigrant Benjamin Dreyfus to the town of Anaheim. In the early period the best known Jewish citizen of Orange County was Dreyfus, who was a vintner, general agriculturalist, and mayor of Anaheim in 1881 and 1882. Most of Orange County's first Jews were German, including Louis Wartenberg, Morris Goodman, the Reinhaus family, Jacob and Herman Stern, and Joseph Goodman.

Santa Ana was platted in 1870, and in 1872 Jews were located there as merchants. Three Jews held the first High Holy Day services in Anaheim in 1874. In that year Jews were also found in the nearby mission town of San Juan Capistrano, the most notable being Max Mendelson. In 1876 the first Jew reached Tustin. The community of Anaheim was quiet in 1880 when Jewish stores were closed for Yom Kippur, the local press reported.

French Jews were perhaps 10% of all the Jews who arrived during the Gold Rush decades. They came from Alsace, Marseilles, and Paris. Among them were Algerian Jews such as Hippolyte Cahen in Anaheim in 1878.

In the beginning of the 20 th century Sephardi Jews from the island of Rhodes immigrated to Southern California. Other Sephardim arrived during the 1910s and 1920s. Most of the newcomers did not speak English, but the Ladino they spoke was close to the Mexican Spanish of California. Sephardi Jews generally moved first to Seattle, Washington, then later on to California.

Santa Ana and Tustin Jewry - 25 families in all - began establishing a congregation in 1919, to meet the needs of their children for Jewish education.

From the 1930s onward there has been a massive influx of population to Southern California, and Orange County has benefited from the post-World War II development of the region as well as the movement of major corporations and hi-tech industries to Southern California. Jewish life was stimulated by a large influx of British, Canadian, Israeli, Latin American, North African, Russian, South African, and Iranian Jews, who established their own organizations as well as integrating into the older communities. A large number of Hungarian Jews reached the Southland after the Soviets crushed the movement to liberalization in that country in 1956. Iranian Jews have sent their children to all-day schools and have a higher rate of synagogue affiliation than the average. Russian and Israeli non-Orthodox immigrants tend to be High Holiday Jews.

The Merage Jewish Community Center, one of the largest in the United States, with its impressive community campus in Irvine, is an important presence in the community. It is home to Jewish Federation Orange County, the Bureau of Jewish Education, Jewish Family Service, B'nai B'rith Youth Organization, the Community Foundation, Taglit, the Orange County Jewish Historical Society, and Camp Yofi.

Synagogue life is local and Jews are spread throughout the county, but communal life is concentrated in the areas of greatest populations.

There are 38 synagogues in Orange County of every denomination. There are Conservative congregations in several cities: Congregation B'nai Israel in Tustin, Congregation Eilat in Mission Viejo, Surf City Synagogue of Huntington Beach, Temple Beth Emet of Anaheim, Temple Isaiah of Newport Beach. Reform congregations are also found throughout the county: Congregation B'nai Tzedek in Fountain Valley, Congregation Shir Ha Maɺlot in Irvine, Reform Temple of Laguna Woods, Temple Bat Yahm in Newport Beach, Temple Beth David in Westminster, Temple Beth El of South Orange County in Aliso Viejo, Temple Beth Ohr in La Mirada, Temple Beth Sholom in Santa Ana (Orange County's first synagogue), Temple Beth Tikvah in Fullerton. There are Orthodox Congregations: Beth Jacob Congregation of Irvine, Beth Torah Synagogue of Laguna Woods, Young Israel of Orange County in Irvine. There is also a non-denominational congregation: Temple Judea of Laguna Woods.

Chabad has established a presence in Aliso Viejo, Cypress/Los Alamitos, Huntington Beach, Irvine, North Irvine, Laguna Beach, Laguna Niguel, Mission Viejo, Newport Beach, San Clemente, Rancho Santa Margarita, Tustin, and Yorba Linda.

The Sephardi community has two congregations: Ohr Yisrael Sephardic Congregation of Orange County in Irvine, Beth Jacob Sephardic Minyan, also in Irvine.

Rabbi Arnold Rachlis, a former White House Fellow and a leading voice in the Reconstructionist movement, is the rabbi of University Synagogue in Irvine, the sole Reconstructionist congregation and one of the largest synagogues in Orange County.

Humanistic Judaism is represented by the Pacific Community of Secular Humanistic Jews and the Orange County Society for Humanistic Judaism.

There are two day schools in the community: Tarbut V'Torah Community Day School in Irvine and the Hebrew Academy in Huntington Beach.

Among the national organizations that have established offices in Orange County are the American Jewish Committee (AJC) and the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), which have a large presence. Hadassah, Hillel, the Israeli Scouts and B'nai B'rith Youth Organization are also present.

Hillel serves all the campuses in Orange County, including UC Irvine, Chapman University, Cal State Fullerton, and the surrounding colleges. Chapman University has a strong Holocaust education program that not only serves the campus but the community at large and sponsors annual activities in the schools, including a writing contest and teacher training. It recently established a Holocaust Center, which includes a small display of Holocaust artifacts, in its new library, sponsored by the Samueli Family and local philanthropists.

Heritage Pointe and Bubbe & Zayde's Place provides care for the elderly.

Although Jews are an accepted part of Orange County life, the county used to have the reputation of being the center of significant antisemitism. In the late 1970s, The Institute for Historical Review, a Holocaust denial organization, once posted a $50,000 reward for anyone who could prove that the Holocaust happened. Much to their chagrin, Auschwitz survivor and Newport Beach resident Mel Mermelstein took up the challenge and prevailed in court. Mermelstein went against the common advice of the Jewish professional community to quarantine the hate groups and not to engage in discourse. The case drew national attention and was the subject of a television movie. Several mayors have been Jewish two in Irvine and others in Orange County.

Sources: Encyclopaedia Judaica. © 2008 The Gale Group. Tous les droits sont réservés.

Téléchargez notre application mobile pour accéder en déplacement à la bibliothèque virtuelle juive


Voir la vidéo: Lobèse Depardieu naime pas les catholiques, il préfère les juifs